2013 has seen growing interest in
the idea of ‘people analytics’ – informally described as the application of ‘Moneyball’
to corporate HR, but more formally defined as the use of predictive statistical
analysis to inform the recruitment and assessment in workers. Just as sports
teams are increasingly attuned to the power of statistics in judging player
ability and informing their signings, so companies are looking to use the power
of numbers over potentially misleading ‘gut instincts’ and all too short
interviews. The hope is that the use of ‘big data’ can offer more reliable
insight into the attributes that make for effective employees by drawing robust
correlations. For years baseball coaches focused on the wrong statistics,
according to Moneyball, for example emphasising batting average, rather than On
Base Percentage. Perhaps the same is true of Human Resource managers, who could
be over-emphasising things like educational attainment – an early finding
appears to be that college degrees are overrated.
Commentators have been divided as
to whether the people analytics is a promising or ominous development for
society. For Don Peck, people analytics offers hope for fairer hiring processes,
with the marginalisation of (often unintentionally) prejudiced human
intervention, since “A mountain of scholarly literature has shown that the
intuitive way we now judge professional potential is rife with snap judgments
and hidden biases”. Moreover, people analytics can enhance social mobility by reducing
the influence of educational background:
For decades, as we’ve assessed people’s potential in the professional
workforce, the most important piece of data—the one that launches careers or
keeps them grounded—has been educational background: typically, whether and
where people went to college, and how they did there. Over the past couple of
generations, colleges and universities have become the gatekeepers to a
prosperous life...But this relationship is likely to loosen in the coming years
However, Andrew Leonard is wary
of a world in which bosses have a clear view of their employees’ productivity,
foreseeing “a darker scenario, one that increasingly seems to be playing out
already: The best workers reap huge rewards; everyone else struggles for the
scraps”.
To a large
extent these arguments play out familiar debates from political philosophy over
the value and desirability of meritocracy. Peck’s account of helping those
consigned to the scrapheap because of their past, or neglected because of
latent prejudice gets to the heart of the view that meritocracy is morally
valuable because it avoids wrongful discrimination. On the other hand, Leonard
taps into a concern that meritocracy neglects substantive inequalities – as Adam Swift puts it: “Why care about unequal chances
of mobility between positions rather than the extent to which those positions
are unequal?”. Moreover, there is the concern that material
inequality could be exacerbated by the psychological effects of living in a
perfect meritocracy, as famously suggested by Michael Young:
If meritocrats believe, as more and more of them are encouraged to, that their advancement comes from their own merits, they can feel they deserve whatever they can get.
If meritocrats believe, as more and more of them are encouraged to, that their advancement comes from their own merits, they can feel they deserve whatever they can get.
They can be insufferably smug, much more so
than the people who knew they had achieved advancement not on their own merit
but because they were, as somebody's son or daughter, the beneficiaries of
nepotism. The newcomers can actually believe they have morality on their side.
Thus if meritocracy is
achieved, the successful develop a superiority complex and increase their power and privilege while the
unsuccessful lose all sense of self-worth, with nobody to blame for their
plight but themselves. The result is a society polarised beyond recognition.
Peck and Leonard do not add
anything distinctive to the debate around meritocracy, but rather offer a
glimpse of a society which more closely approximates meritocracy. However, I
think that people analytics has the potential to bring to the surface tensions
which are currently insignificant or neglected in the meritocracy debate.
First, people analytics could
have an effect on the perceived relationship between meritocracy and economic efficiency.
One common rationale for meritocracy is that ensuring that the best candidates
are in the best positions should secure higher productivity and consequently
make society as a whole richer. But this is not necessarily the case. If the
cost of securing a better candidate is greater than the extra wealth generated
by that worker (over and above the candidate that would otherwise be hired)
then meritocratic hiring is less efficient.
People analytics is likely to
bring this tension into the open because it is likely to develop more or less
fine grained tools, leaving it to the hirers how much they believe it is worth
investing in securing the best workers. In some cases, cruder and cheaper
methods are bound to be chosen, even though they might mean overlooking the
best person for the role, because the cost of identifying that person is greater
than the benefit they would provide. This is likely to test the resolve of
meritocrats – is their ideal important enough to force companies to invest in
recruitment, even if is not worth the cost?
A second – more hopeful –
possibility is that people analytics might bring to the fore the flexibility of
the concept of merit. Peck alludes to the possibility that people analytics
might be more about getting people into “better-fitting”, rather than “better” jobs.
That is – people analytics might be less about separating the capable and
brilliant from the incompetent than about finding the niche that suits each
individual’s aptitudes.
Even if this is a bit utopian,
people analytics could help bring to the fore the changeability of marketable
skills. The original idea of Moneyball was not to find the best players, but
rather those who are ‘undervalued’ – players whose talents were insufficiently
appreciated by the market. This is an inherently dynamic process – for as soon
as other teams adopt a similar scouting and tactical style, a different type of
player will become undervalued. A couple of cycles of this process should serve
to demonstrate that success is not simply about being the best player, but to have
the right skills for the right environment.
If people analytics produces
similar cycles in the job market, then it should reinforce to the successful
that they are lucky, and that at any given point their luck could change.
Moreover, this sense of contingency is likely to guard against the arrogance
and despair that Michael Young foresaw in his vision of meritocracy.
The idea of meritocracy is a
complicated one, offering hope for human dignity and equality on the one hand,
but carrying the risk of polarisation and division. The prospect of people
analytics further clouds the purported ideal – its development must be watched
carefully.