UKIP or the Greens: Who are really saying the unsayable?

Amidst their recent popularity, the United Kingdom Independence Party has tried to encourage the perception that they stand outside the established political consensus, offering arguments and perspectives neglected by mainstream political debate. This of course, is at odds with the fact that support for most UKIP policies can be found in the mainstream rightwing press every week. There is nothing daring about talking about exiting the EU, or transgressive about plotting to reduce immigration.  UKIP might have other radical concerns or proposals, but they certainly haven’t told anybody yet: Nigel Farage disowned his 2010 General Election manifesto, and has failed to disclose any updated domestic policies. It’s only with his recent comments on Romanians that Farage has said anything genuinely controversial, and he has expressed ambivalence since.

By contrast to UKIP’s flimsy policy platform, it is the Green Party, the other lot outside the mainstream party system, who have genuinely consensus shaking ideas. To take a few examples:

• On Migration (note that it is ‘migration’, rather than immigration; not just an issue of coming, but leaving), the Greens turn the standard debate on its head, challenging the assumption that rich countries have a right to exclude foreigners, and framing the debate around global inequality, rather than the economic self-interest of the UK

• On Economic Inequality, the Greens argue for a Citizens’ Income, an unconditional sum of money for all citizens to prevent destitution and allow them a degree of freedom from the pressing imperative for a job and income, allowing them to develop their education, family life etc. This is a radical policy with prominent historic advocates on the left and the right, yet one which is unknown to most Britons today

• On International Trade, the Greens express a degree of scepticism about free trade uncommon among major parties or the mainstream media. There is a general acceptance in the UK that the free movement of goods and services (though not labour) is an unmitigated boon. Even UKIP, for all their mistrust of the European common market, want to set up a Commonwealth Free Trade Area. By contrast, the Greens oppose the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, seeing it as undemocratic, and emphasise ‘fair trade’ over ‘free trade’

• On Public Services, the Greens are committed to nationalising railways, water and energy, policies that are highly popular, but rejected by the other big parties.

The position of the Greens highlights the benefits and dangers of genuinely defying consensus. On some issues, like nationalisation, you are likely to hit a position that has widespread appeal, and find yourself speaking for the ordinary man against an out of tough elite. On other issues, like, immigration, you’ll be voicing a fringe viewpoint that will likely get you written off as lunatic. And in some cases, as with the basic income, the idea will be so untested that you just won’t know how people will respond until you test it.

However they are received, greater acknowledgement of Green positions would stimulate and enhance what are often stale political debate.

Nigel Farage: Defender of Immigrants?

Among the many outraged voices at the the use of vans to tell illegal immigrants to “go home or face arrest”, perhaps the most surprising was that of the UKIP leader Nigel Farage, who called the message “nasty, unpleasant”. Farage’s position on the issue was unexpected, given UKIP’s fiercely anti-immigrant stance at present. Yet if Farage is wily enough, his intervention could mark the start of a more nuanced position on immigration, with major strategic benefits for the party.

The argument I envisage UKIP making, basically, is that these desperate and illiberal measures are a consequence of the UK’s membership of the membership of the European Economic Area, which compels Britain to allow entry to all EEA citizens. Since visitors from the EEA account for 70% of arrivals to the UK, the Conservatives are forced to squeeze the remaining 30% as hard as they can – too hard, even for UKIP’s liking – to meet their targets on reducing net immigration to the “tens of thousands”. By contrast, UKIP, Farage can say, would simply pull out of the EEA, restrict migration from Europe, and do away with the heavy-handed approach of this current government towards other immigrants. If he is bold enough, Farage would criticise policies such as immigrant bonds, spot checks and requiring landlords to be informants. In sum, Farage could stand against the idea that Britain should be the “hostile environment” for immigrants that the current government seems to envisage, with the promise that UKIP offer a more humane way to keep immigrant numbers down.

The big advantage of this position would be to give UKIP some defence against the accusations of racism that are bound to pursue a right-wing party by showing a willingness to stand up for vulnerable minorities. If UKIP are to break into the mainstream, they need to be seen as a respectable and non-racist – these sorts of positions would go a long way to making them credible. They would also strengthen their claim to be an alternative to an increasingly out of touch and broken political elite.

Of course, the strategy brings risks. If Farage and the UKIP leadership do not really believe the position I am sketching out, then it is likely to ring hollow. Moreover, this strategy would require UKIP to defend predominantly non-white (non-EU) immigrants at the expense of predominantly white (EU) immigrants. Insofar as their support genuinely is racist, it might abandon the party. But then, it might be in the long-term interests of UKIP to trade some of these core backers for a more moderate audience.

A more interesting question is whether such a shift would be good for British politics. On the one hand, any move that tries to make the immigration debate less toxic and which tries to move beyond demonising migrants is bound to do some good. Further, it could encourage some interesting and productive coalitions between left and right, much needed in an area that doesn’t cleanly divide left and right. Then again, I can’t help but revolt against anything that gives UKIP  and their brand of unreconstituted  conservatism and libertarianism more influence.But it would certainly be compelling to watch…